U.S. Catholicism in the Vise of the Lefebvrian Schism

American conservative Catholics could help steer the presidency away from the losing battle of the “culture wars” and toward a pragmatic and substantial Trump’s political revolution.

Following the episcopal ordinations performed by the Lefebvrian Society of St. Pius X, the Holy issued a decree of excommunication formalizing the schism. Excommunicated are all bishops, priests, and lay faithful who are formally members of the Society.

The Background

This schism did not result from failed negotiations with the Holy See, because on the part of the Society of St. Pius X there was no intention to avoid it. The failed negotiations occurred during the time of Pope Benedict XVI. At his bidding, the Lefebvrian Fraternity was offered the opportunity to transform into a personal prelature modeled after Opus Dei (2011-2012). The negotiation failed at that time due to internal tensions and dynamics within the Society of St. Pius X.

From that moment on, the Society of St. Pius X has neither had the intention nor the possibility to reconcile with the Catholic Church, because this would reduce the Society and the whole Lefebvrian movement to irrelevance—not only ecclesial, but also socio-political. Returning to the Catholic Church would mean disappearing, becoming merely one speck within the conservative spectrum of global Catholicism. This is particularly true in the United States, which is one of the regions with the most members, priests, and seminarians of the Society.

A Rabbit Hole for the U.S. Conservative Catholicism?

However, this schism also becomes a problem for the entire traditionalist and conservative spectrum of Catholicism, particularly the American wing closest to the administration of President Donald Trump. There are two fundamental reasons why it becomes a problem.

First, this Trump-aligned faction of American Catholicism must now distinguish itself, at least formally, from the Society of St. Pius X’s positions and demands. The Holy See’s message on this point is clear: if you cannot demonstrate your differences from the Lefebvrian movement and do not obey the directives issued by the first American pope, then you have no choice but to join the Society of St. Pius X. This would mean ceasing to be Catholic and losing the right to claim that title in the exercise of one’s public functions and in the arena of American public debate.

The second reason is more subtle yet more significant. The conservative American Catholic establishment’s power has been its ability to exert strong pressure on the Pope’s pontificate and, in a sense, hold the Holy See hostage. This strand of Catholicism finds its institutional representatives in Cardinal T. Dolan and Bishop R. Barron and its representatives in the U.S. administration in Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of State M. Rubio. Paradoxically, this influence is now more difficult to exercise precisely at a time when an American is at the helm of the Catholic Church.

On the one hand, because Pope Leo, despite having been tasked with resolving internal tensions within the Catholic Church, demonstrated—through the Lefebvrian excommunication—that he is not willing to safeguard the unity of the Catholic Church at any cost. The limits placed by the Holy See on the influence of what we might call “MAGA Catholicism” over the fundamental direction of the Catholic Church are now clear.

On the other hand, if the conservative Catholic faction within the Trump administration, along with its supporters in the public sphere, is unable to effectively pressure the Holy See, then it is politically useless. Moreover, Trump has shown himself to be extremely ruthless when it comes to getting rid of those close to him whom he no longer needs.

Faced with the choice of becoming politically irrelevant and being purged by Trump, or being completely absorbed as a tiny minority into American evangelicalism—which has found its new statement of faith in the MAGA slogan—, the conservative Catholic wing within the U.S. administration and those holding key positions in the institutional system might opt for a third way.

The Eye of the Needle of a Second American Experiment

At 250, U.S. democratic institutions and civilization are spiraling into a deadlock that could be fatal to the American experiment. The Catholic establishment within Trump’s inner circle, and the Catholic supporters at large of his policies, could opt for the harder way: the biblical “eye of the needle,” namely, fostering a second democratic experiment in the United States.

This means not working against Pope Leo and the Holy See to suit the President’s agenda. Rather, it means dealing constructively with Pope Leo’s stance and the Holy See’s diplomatic efforts in a way that could benefit Trump’s “political revolution” in shaping a new world order, since the one forged in the post-Cold War era is no longer viable.

It could be time for this Catholic conservative establishment to demonstrate its maturity—as politicians, believers, and representatives of institutions. The challenge is to avoid a twofold temptation into which it seems to have fallen at the start of Trump’s second term. On the one hand, it must stop providing biblical and religious legitimization for all of the President’s political decisions, thereby engaging in theological debate with the Pope.

By doing so, not only do they appear defeated from the outset in the eyes of global Catholicism, but they also end up mimicking the approach of American evangelicalism, which is Trump’s true religious backer. If nothing distinguishes them from the evangelicals and if they are unable to exert any bargaining power with the Holy See, their place within Trump’s sphere of influence would be fleeting and short-lived.

On the other hand, the Catholic conservative establishment close to the President must prevent the “culture wars” from shifting from individual morality to social ethics. Otherwise, all that would remain of the United States of America and its dream would be vestiges of a broken promise—an archaeological relic that our grandchildren will tell stories about to theirs, much like the second star to the left in the Milky Way.

Already, there are the evangelicals working to perpetuate the “culture wars” among the American population. As these wars shift from individual morality to social ethics, they are coming ever closer to a full-blown “civil war.” This proves that Samuel Huntington was both right and wrong with his dictum of the “clash of civilizations.”

He was right in that religion has been playing a key role in global politics since 9/11. He was wrong, however, in that the clash is not between Western civilization and Islamic countries. Rather, it is operating within the very heart of Western civilization itself — namely, the United States. Furthermore, this unpredicted clash is a clash of Christianities evolving within each Christian confession, which adds an unexpected layer of complexity to the situation.

Beyond the minor event of the Lefebvrian schism, the future of the American experiment is at stake, as well as how the U.S. Catholic conservative establishment will be remembered in the nation’s story: as representatives of the end of the American dream or as co-founders of a second American experiment—a new story of democracy and liberty. This is now up to them.